This title Foundation May 1 CCOO ( http://www.1mayo.ccoo.es/nova/ ) has initiated a seminar, which has echoed starter José Luis López Bulla in his interesting blog that has become an important reference to reflect trade union ( http://lopezbulla.blogspot.com/2011/04/el-futuro-del-sindicalismo.html ). At the first session I could not attend because of work, so I sent in conjunction with the papers under discussion, I reproduce the notes below:
1) I miss a broader reflection on the relationship , and differences between "unionism" and "politics" between union and party, between class and party union claimed that the working class. And I consider it necessary to avoid confusion and, above all, more or less conscious temptations to invade spaces of each other, in both directions. The weakness of leftist political organizations (organizational or proposal) accentuates this problem and continues to be significant that little attention in the three papers given to the parties, even when considering the period in which the PCE was major reference (and political leader) of trade union action.
2) of the hand of the above, I think the union should NOT be directed towards formal "transform society." I think your goal is more basic: to improve the lives and work of the working class as a whole. Only in the action for that purpose inevitably arise (if it is made as targets of class, not lower collective corporate) claims that break the social equilibrium and are therefore transformative. The union is therefore not "transform" society, but his action "transform" society. I also think that this is actually the practice of European labor movements in general, beyond the different labels ("revolutionary" or "reform") and beyond its more or less solemn proclamations of the respective statutes or in some papers on (low) significance for workers who are organized, we represent and mobilize
3) The axis of industrial action must be about collective class interests, summary of the collective interests of the (many and varied) the ability to make and must protect them (not in opposition to them). The development of such collective interests (ie protest platforms) is a key element, and not easy.
4) Such interests, and aims to improve living conditions and work, is what allows the stated objective of unity, unity of action now, not forgetting the goal of organic unity, at least unions who share union strategy (CCOO and UGT today.)
5) being very large the group "interested" in such general interests of class, I think that we should not regard them as interests "mainstream" of society. Differentiating, we will be able to more effectively promote the mobilization (and negotiation and agreement) of the working class. The working class can be "Benchmark" for society, but not "representative."
6) Do not agree with the definition of systems of "real socialism" as "post-capitalist", perhaps "pre ..." (Having regard to their results, not just political, as well as social, ecomnómicos ...). Tampco believe that they can be considered "outside" to capitalism, at least if we analyze the creation and appropriation of surplus value in them.
7) and as a minor issue, I'm not too according to Ramiro statement that "the proposal to convene a Congress CCOO Constitutional ... could not be carried out by the will of UGT, "but this is perhaps a discussion of trade unionism in the" past ", although you might be of interest to recover the failed debate CCOO and PCE on trade unionism in recent years of Franco and the beginning of the transition (on another occasion) because perhaps the merits of that debate are not too far from what we are now discussing, and perhaps some experience can we draw from this particular "debate".
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